


CONTENTS

Commercial sexual exploitation of children, or CSEC, is not a
new phenomenon. Civil society, intergovernmental organizations and
States have agreed for many years that CSEC is a problem of
international dimensions that must be eliminated as a matter of
urgency.
Statistics are inconclusive but even the most conservative figures
produced by UNICEF suggest that over a million children annually
are exploited commercially.
Definitions differ but according to a declaration agreed to by
over 100 governments, CSEC is defined as "the sexual abuse by
the adult and remuneration in cash or in kind to the child or a third
person or persons. The child is treated as a sexual object and
as a commercial object."
Central activities related to CSEC include child prostitution,
child pornography and the trafficking of children for sexual purposes.
CSEC is also considered at international law a contemporary form
of slavery, as recognized by the International Labour Organization
(ILO) and is a violation of many international and regional
conventions and treaties.
Although work had been done against CSEC since the 1960s, it
had been undertaken only at the national, and on occasion regional
levels.
This changed dramatically in 1996 when, for the first time, and
international meeting was convened to address the issue. This
was known as the World Congress against Commercial Sexual
Exploitation of Children, or the Stockholm Congress.
A central theme of the Stockholm Congress was assessing the tools
that existed at that time to combat CSEC and to strategize and
develop new instruments to eliminate it.
So, what tools currently exist to help us end this most fundamental
human rights violation?
1. International Mechanisms
a) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)
Even though international instruments had been in existence for
many years prior to the CRC (for example the Declaration on the
Rights of the Child of 1959) the Convention was triumphed as the
most important treaty ever drafted to protect and promote the
social, economic and cultural rights of young people as well as
their civil and political rights.
Why is the CRC so important?
Canada signed and ratified the CRC in 1991. Although it made
several reservations to the Convention, none affect its obligations
to protect children from CSEC.
b) Optional Protocols to the CRC
Recently, two Optional Protocols (OPs) to the CRC have been
drafted. The title Optional Protocol is a little misleading. The
truth is that all protocols, like all international instruments, are
optional. A country can choose whether it wants to sign and ratify
it or not. What is actually meant by the term "optional
protocol" is that a State does not have to sign onto the
document, even if it did ratify the actual convention.
In January 2000, a working group at the UN completed an OP on
children in armed conflict. The reasoning behind the OP was a
need to repair a perceived inconsistency in the CRC itself.
Article 1 of the Convention states that it applies to everyone
under the age of 18, but Article 38 lowers the age for military
recruitment to 15. The OP has created a "straight 18"
position except for voluntary enlistment which is 16 with proof
of age and parental consent. This OP has implications in the
protection of children from CSEC, particularly in areas and at
times of armed conflict.
The second OP is on the sale of children, child prostitution and
child pornography. This was finalized in March 2000. It contains
some interesting provisions such as directing States to establish
penal sanctions for abusers; take jurisdiction over abuses
happening in its territory or by its nationals; and enhance
protection and support for child victims throughout the legal
process.
Unlike the OP on armed conflict not all child advocates agreed on
the need for an OP on the sale of children, child prostitution and
child pornography. Many felt there was already a sufficient body
of legislation to combat CSEC and what was really missing was
political will.
Canada has signed and ratified the OP on armed conflict but has
not yet signed the OP on child exploitation, to the best of my
knowledge.
c) ILO Convention 182
In 1999, the ILO took a step toward eliminating CSEC by adopting
the Convention Concerning the Prohibition of the Worst Forms of
Child Labour. Each State which ratifies the Convention commits
to "take immediate and effective measures to secure the
prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labour
as a matter of urgency" (Article 1).
The Convention defines what constitutes the worst forms of child
labour as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage,
serfdom or forced labour, forced or compulsory recruitment of
child soldiers, use of children for prostitution or
pornography, use or procuring of a child for illegal activities,
all forms of slavery and any work which will harm the health,
well-being or safety of children (Article 3 a-d).
Accompanying the Convention was a Recommendation which
defines "hazardous work" as work which exposes
children to physical, psychological or sexual abuse. This would
include work underground, under water, at dangerous heights or
in confined working spaces, working with dangerous machinery or
tools, hazardous chemicals or substances and working in
unhealthy environments.
Canada signed and ratified the ILO Convention last year.
d) International laws and norms affecting private sector
businesses
There have been a number of recent developments at international
law that undertake to strengthen linkages between corporate
responsibility and the protection of children's rights. Much
of the basis for this framework is found in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) itself. Notably, the
Preamble of this declaration states, "Every individual and
every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in
mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect
for these rights."
A number of non-binding multilateral declarations have also been
developed to place checks upon the work of private sector
industries, in particular those that are multinational in origin.
Many of these declarations include in their scope States, employers
as well as employees. Perhaps most importantly, they recognize
not only the need for private industries to respect rights, but
that their position in society places a strong obligation to
promote and enhance respect for human rights.
One example of this in the ILO Tripartite Declaration of Principle
concerning Multinational Enterprises and Social Policy. Protections
and obligations are also found in the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) Guidelines for Multinational
Enterprises. The introduction of the OECD guidelines
notes, "Through international direct investment, such
enterprises can bring substantial benefits to home and host
countries by contributing to the efficient utilization of capital,
technology and human resources between countries and can thus
fulfill an important role in the promotion of economic and social
welfare. But the advances made by the multinational enterprises
in organizing their operations beyond the national framework may
lead to abuse of concentrations of economic power and to conflicts
with national policy objectives."
Further directives, such as the OECD Principles of Corporate
Governance, require businesses to recognize the greater context
in which they operate and thus contribute to the greater benefit
of society.
The UN has recently undertaken an important new initiative, the
"Global Compact", which requests that businesses show
good "global citizenship" in the nations in which they
operate. The human rights section of the source document explains
that businesses should support and respect the protection of
internationally proclaimed human rights within their sphere of
influence and ensure they are not complicit in human rights
abuses.
2. Regional Mechanisms (i.e., the OAS)
a) The American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of
Man: The
American Declaration contains general legal protections and
duties that apply to all citizens of a State including
children.
b) American Convention on Human
Rights: Specifically Article
16: "Every child ... has the right to protection that his
status as a minor requires from his family, society and the
State."
Canada has not ratified either document, although technically
they are bound by the Declaration as a member of the OAS.
3. Domestic Legislation
a) CCC: Sexual Assault, sexual
interference, invitation to
touching, etc. exist as offences in our Criminal Code.
Bill C-27 and C-15 amendments broadened the CCC provisions
to include extraterritorial offences against children.
b) YCJA: The new YCJA suggests greater
protection from a
growing population of child sex offenders - older youth.
Further, the Preamble of the YCJA makes explicit reference
to Canada's obligations under the CRC.
c) Child welfare legislation: Child
protection legislation often
extends into areas that may overlap with CSEC. In some cases,
such as in Alberta, the provincial legislature created law
specifically to address CSEC related activities.
The Stockholm meeting was unique as it was a three-way
partnership between the governmental, intergovernmental and
non-governmental communities.
Beyond committing themselves to merely a global partnership against the challenge of commercial sexual exploitation of children, the participants at Stockholm called upon all States in cooperation with national and international organizations and civil society to:
In particular, by the year 2000, the A4A calls for:
Much has been done in Canada and abroad since 1996. Actions
have been taken to remove children from exploitation and aid their
recovery and reintegration into society. Campaigns have increased
public awareness and targeted specific groups whose understanding
is vital. Projects have sought to protect children particularly
vulnerable to exploitation. Research has improved understanding
of exploiters, mechanisms and obstacles to overcome.
The OP has been adopted and opened for signature, as was the ILO
convention. A Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish
Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children,
supplementing the UN Convention against Transnational
Organized Crimes, has also been adopted and opened for signature.
National laws have been strengthened and more than 21 countries
now apply extraterritorial legislation. Thirty four countries
have developed National Plans of Actions against CSEC and 26
others are in the process of developing such plans.
Still, we have hardly begun to scratch the surface of the problem.
Five years later, governments, IGOs and NGOs are coming together
again to assess the situation.
The Second World Congress will be held December 2001 in Yokohama,
Japan.
The SWC has the following objectives:
So, what will likely be the international assessment of Canada
during this last 5-year period?
Each year since Stockholm, ECPAT International - the lead NGO
that coordinated Stockholm and Yokohama, has published a
progress report on each country that attended the 1996 meeting.
The report for 2001 is not yet available but we can look at last
year's report for some indication.
During a Press Conference around the launch of the
report, "Beyond Borders: Ensuring Global Justice for
Children," to which I am Senior Legal Counsel, produced
a wish list for Canadian children.
The list included the following:
a) Canadian Plan of Action
Currently Canada has a monitoring mechanism through a Senate
Committee but it does not have a plan or vision of how to
eliminate CSEC in our country.
Without the plan we have no way of gauging how far we have
come, where we are going, or what we need to get there.
b) Comprehensive Child Pornography Legislation
Last year the law was in flux as we awaited the Sharpe decision. This year the law is arguably weaker since the SCC ruling. The two new exceptions have created loopholes for paedophiles. To quote from a Crown attorney who argued the case before the SCC, "we have sacrificed our children on the alter of the Charter."
c) Elimination of Child Sex Tourism and Child Prostitution
Sex tourism prevention and prosecution has been a legislative
mess (Bill C-27, Omnibus Bill, Bill C15). We still have not had
one arrest, let alone a prosecution and law enforcement still
does not know about the law, nor do our embassies abroad.
There is some suggestion that Canada is becoming a receiving
country, as well.
There are a large numbers of youth involved in prostitution and
a disproportionate amount of Aboriginal youth involved in the sex
trade. According to Statistics Canada 10-15% of people involved
in street prostitution are under 18 (although most people feel
this is a gross underestimate). Further, 20% of all prostituted
youth are Aboriginal. The average age for entering the sex trade
is 13, with some reports citing 8 or 9 as the first time a youth
is prostituted. The problem is compounded by a complete lack of
empirical or statistical research to uncover the extent of
prostitution in Canada.
d) Appropriate age of consent laws and policies
There were loopholes in our legislation until Sharpe plugged them
(i.e., Gisele case). Arguably the children are now worse off
since consent to sexual activity now includes consent to have that
activity permanently recorded and rebroadcast.
The Canadian government has shown no interest in raising the age
of consent despite the international trend.
e) Effective protections from child sex offenders
Currently it is too easy for sex offenders to get pardons, change their name, etc.
Two recent cases: Taylor, a truck driver who avoided a criminal
charge as it would have impeded his ability to travel, and
James who was allowed to move out of Canada without warning and
is now coaching hockey in Spain.
So, in last year's report Canada received 3 stars out of 4. Each star reflects how much effort is being made to combat CSEC. Within the Americas, US received 2 stars but Mexico received 4.
Why does a country with the advantages we have, including on
paper, the political will not have 4?
A few trends worth noting:
First, the importance of private sector partnerships has emerged
as an area of future growth. The reality is any reform we will
see on the Internet will not be because of child pornography but
because of copyright issues in the business environment. As
child advocates we must learn to work along side this community.
Second, we must engage youth in the dialogue and be willing to
learn from them in the same way we hope they learn from us. But
at the same time we must ensure youth participation is done
appropriately. We must consider the long term consequences of
having young people join us in our very sensitive discussions. We
cannot assume all youth are comfortable, as we cannot assume all
adults are. Although we do not want to
support "tokenism", at the same time there may be
negative effects of treating youth exactly like adults in all
circumstances, especially when we are working with experiential
youth.
Third, provinces are now scooping the federal government. For
example: Ontario offering to set up and pay for a national sex
offender registry, Manitoba creating the first hotline for child
pornography on the Internet, and Alberta creating the Protection
of Children Involved in Prostitution Act. The federal government
must ensure it stays on top of these matters regardless of the
jurisdictional boundaries. One way of doing this is with a
Commissioner for Children.
Finally, we must think globally. The fact is, globalization is
happening. It cannot be stopped despite our protests and
screaming. We have to accept we live in a world without
boundaries and we must begin to act in that context. This means
building new alliances across political parties and jurisdictions.